“You know in April of 1993 President Clinton told me if the Chetniks [Serbs] enter Srebrenica and massacre five thousand Muslims, then there will be military intervention.” — Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic
Iran has long served as a grim handmaiden in the execution of covert operations for the Washington political elite, although perhaps never more extensively as in the former Yugoslavia. The following excerpt from a United States Congressional investigation into the secret US-Iran arms policy towards Bosnia in the 1990s is especially instructive in this regard:
… the Adminstration’s Iran-Bosnia policy were laid out in The Los Angeles Times’ April 4, 1996 report breaking the story:
President Clinton secretly gave a green light to covert Iranian arms shipments into Bosnia in 1994 despite a United Nations arms embargo that the United States was pledged to uphold and the Administration’s own policy of isolating Tehran globally as a supporter of terrorism, according to senior Administration officials and other sources….The operation continued until January of this year, even after nearly 20,000 American troops began to be deployed as peacekeepers in Bosnia, Clinton Administration officials said.”
Ultimately, the entire covert operation involved eight flights a month packed with thousands of tons of arms and ammunition either originating in Iran or purchased and shipped with Iranian backing.
With the arms came Iran’s Islamic militants in force, to train Bosnian soldiers and to fight along side them. […]
That comes out to some 200 separate Iranian air transports of weapons, ammunition and military personnel delivered into the heart of Europe—after first flying through controlled airspace—”despite,” as the Los Angeles Times puts it “a United Nations arms embargo that the United States was pledged to uphold and the Adminstration’s own policy of isolating Tehran globally as a supporter of terrorism.”
According to Professor John Schindler’s 2007 book Unholy Terror: Bosnia, al-Qa-ida, and the rise of global jihad, by the war’s end the Muslims of Bosnia had been generously gifted fourteen thousands tons of arms from Iran’s clerical government “as well as over three quarters of a million pounds of TNT and several tons of plastic explosives-$200 million worth of war material in all.”
But that’s not all. The congressional report explains that:
Although Under Secretary of State Peter Tarnoff declined to provide unclassified testimony in a House International Relations Committee hearing on the subject on April 23, 1996, press reports currently suggest that as a result of the Clinton’s Administration’s policy Iran stationed 3,000-4,000 Revolutionary Guards in Bosnia, of which some 200-300 still remain. […]
And Iran’s influence is not limited to Iranians coming to Bosnia. The New York Times on March 3, 1996 quoted a senior European military officer as stating that his government had evidence that Bosnia sent troops to Iran.
But it wasn’t just Bosnian troops who traveled to Iran. It was the Islamic Bosnian leadership, coming and going, regularly and often.
In 1992 the New York Times reported that the Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic himself made an official state visit to Tehran where he met with Iranian leaders and, while appearing on Iranian television, threatened to use poison gas against the Serbian people.
During his visit he attended a ceremony during which his delegation laid a wreath on the tomb of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the leader of “Iran’s Islamic revolution”.
Hashemi Rafsanjani, the Iranian President at the time, gave assurances to the new Bosnian President that “more significant aid” would be forthcoming…” with senior Iranian officials calling for “retaliatory measures against the Serbs by Muslims across the world” “ in response to what they described was “a new Crusade of Christians against Muslims.”
But the Muslim Bosnian Leadership weren’t just traveling to Tehran. They were visiting Washington too—meeting, in fact, with the leader of the Free World.
On March 26, 1993, just six months after Izetbegovic visited Ayatollah Khomeini’s tomb, he was received by the newly inaugurated President of the United States: Bill Clinton.
The visit was preceded that day by President Clinton’s meeting and press conference with German Chancellor Helmet Kohl.
The White House scheduling was fortuitous, because, as chance would have it, the German government was also knee deep in the Balkans, simultaneously arming the Croatian separatists in Yugoslavia to fight the Serbs. Like the Clinton White House, their activities were in flagrant contravention of the U.N. arms embargo. But the Germans, no doubt emboldened by their recent reunification, were already well on their way in escalating the war through Germany’s unilateral recognition of the illegal succession of its old Axis ally: Croatia, now that fascists through the election of Franjo Tjudman—a widely acclaimed Holocaust denier and international hero to Neo-Nazis— had wrested power from those Croat-Yugoslavs who wanted no part in the revival of its fascist Nazi proxy past.
Tjudman, in fact, was famous for having expressed these heartfelt sentiments:
“I am glad to say that my wife is neither Serb nor Jew.”
Details as to the quantities of weapons and ammunitions covertly supplied to the Croatians to fight the Serbs are brought to light in Martin Lee’s 1997 book The Beast Reawakens as a part of his investigations into Fascism’s quiet survival, and now revival after its supposed defeat in WWII:
Between 1992 and 1994, Germany exported $320 million of military hardware–including MiG fighter jets, surface-to-air missiles, and later model tanks–to Croatia, despite the United Nations arms embargo forbidding such commerce. Convoys of up to fifteen hundred military vehicles from former East Germany were discovered en route to the Balkan farrago. Germany also trained Croatian pilots and provided intelligence reports in an effort to vanquish their mutual enemy [the Serbs]. Heleno San, an expert on German defense issues, commented on the psychological underpinnings of this policy: “In their ‘historical consciousness,’ the Germans have resented the Serbs since World War II, because despite the fact that Hitler sent in thirty divisions, he was unable to defeat the antifascist guerrillas led by Tito” (pg. 299)
Clinton’s meetings with the German Chancellor and the Bosnian President were noted as having both taken place on “Day 66” of “The First One Hundred Days of the Presidency”.
But more was in store.
Five months on, on September 9, 1993, Izetbegovic was again received by President Clinton. Only this time, the Khomeini devotee also paid a highly publicized visit to the Holocaust Memorial Museum.
With the Holocaust Museum as a powerful backdrop and President Clinton waiting in the wings, a new narrative was being devised and assiduously propagated. Muslims were introduced to the world stage as the new persecuted Jews of Europe, helpless victims of racist persecution, tragically bereft of international support, facing certain annihilation at the hands of the Serbs, in desperate need of Western rescue in the form of military intervention. Bosnia was not experiencing a civil war of succession, but a fascist war of aggression the likes of which the world had not seen since World War II.
The media lapped it up. The Los Angeles Times carried the story:
After visiting the Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, Izetbegovic said pointedly that in his nation’s tragedy he found echoes of the “passivity” of the Allies in the face of Nazi Germany’s genocide against the Jews of Europe–“including the passivity of the United States “
But then, just as American papers ran their stirring accounts of Izetbegovic’s visit to the memorial to the Holocaust, and Americans were reminded that the United States should never again remain passive in the face of genocide, something truly remarkable happened: Izetbegovic hightailed it to Iran.
Incredibly, in a span of just four days the Muslim leader went from meeting the President of the United States and dramatically drawing a link between the suffering of the Muslims in Bosnia to the mass murder of millions of Jews in World War II at the Holocaust Memorial, to being greeted by a Islamic regime so notorious for denying the German genocide against the Jews, it would not only generously finance the efforts of infamous Holocaust “revisionists”, but would eventually host an international “Conference” dedicated to that very purpose, welcoming to Iran as honored guests and “experts” of the state, Neo-Nazis, Klu Klux Klan members, and other world renown anti-Semites and Holocaust deniers, including David Duke— all brought together by the Iranian government to prove the Holocaust was not only a hoax, but a part of an elaborate Jewish conspiracy to extort money from the Germans and steal Muslim land.
Not surprisingly, details of this particular visit by Izetbegovic with Iran’s rabidly anti-Semitic, Holocaust denying Islamic rulers were buried, if reported at all, meriting barely a mention towards the end of a New York Times story that ran with the Orwellian headline: Rebel Serbs list 50 Croatia Sites They May Raid.
That Bosnia’s Islamic leader’s visit with the Iranian junta came on the very heels of his highly publicized excursion to the Holocaust Museum and meeting President Clinton was omitted entirely.
But that’s not all the busy Bosnian did that September in 1993.
Soon thereafter, he did yet another curious thing. Izetbegovic scheduled a meeting in Sarajevo with Muslim representatives of Srebrenica, a municipality that had been only recently designated as a “demilitarized”, UN protected “safehaven” inside a region home to a large Serbian population.
During that meeting, explains Schindler who, before joining the faculty of the Naval War College was a specialist on the Balkans and the Middle East for the NSA, President Izetbegovic advised the Srebrenica delegation of the extraordinary pledge he had received from the newly elected leader of The Free World, stating:
You know in April of 1993 President Clinton told me if the Chetniks [Serbs] enter Srebrenica and massacre five thousand Muslims, then there will be military intervention.
It was a commitment even the Srebrenica Chief of Police Hakiye Meholich, confirmed hearing personally from President Izetbegovic in an interview he gave to the Sarajevo paper Dani.
It was quite the tall order too, but understandable given the circumstances.
The new American President from Arkansas, after all, couldn’t very well go around accusing the Serbs of launching “a new Crusade of Christians against Muslims” as the Iranians had and expect it to play in Peoria…well, not yet anyway.
He needed something else, something more, something with corpses—apparently “five thousand” of them.
Maybe that’s why Izetbegovic suddenly scurried off to Tehran just after his cynical publicity stunt at the Holocaust Memorial Museum, hurriedly holding talks with the President of Iran right there, at the airport, just four days later.
Perhaps Izetbegovic, after personally debriefing the Iranian President on his rousing success in Washington then turned to his Holocaust denying benefactors to confirm their support in fulfilling his end of the bargain with Clinton: Muslim victims, and lots of them.
Izetbegovic, for his part, could hardly have found better allies for his cause. Orchestrating a mass murder of one’s own people, as it happens, was well within Iran’s area of expertise. Indeed, the Mullahs had shown only a few years earlier just how efficiently and quietly it could be done.