“The Teutonic “superman” instinctively sensed that the Turkish Caliphate would be his natural ally. By the turn of the century, the destinies of both countries were inextricably linked. In 1898, Kaiser Wilhelm II vowed Germany’s eternal friendship for the Muslim world as he stood with Turkish leaders before the tomb of Saladin the Great in Damascus.”
“This trust and understanding between Islam and Germany, is part of the reason Yugoslavia was broken up in cahoots with radical Islam, shortly after Germany gained reunification itself. Destroying the final remnants of post-war treaties and geographical borders.”
For more also read:
Germany – Protector Of Radical Islam [Complete post]
With British consent, he managed to establish, in April, 1884, the first German protectorate on the southwestern coast of Africa. Eventually, German East Africa (Tangan-yika), Togoland, and the Cameroons were added to the glory of the Berlin Colonial Office. In 1905, the Reich was eliminated from the arena of colonization by Britain and France, when the latter recognized the establishment of a British protectorate over Egypt, in return for British acknowledgment of a French protectorate over Morocco.
After only thirty years of colonization from 1884 to 1914, the Germans’ imprint and influence in the sections of Africa which they had administered, is still remembered.
Although they have been officially gone from these regions for many years, the older natives still recalled right up through the 20th century, the brief period of tutelage under their former rulers, and did not conceal their respect for the harsh, authoritarian character of the Germans.
which needed new markets. But the door to further penetration in Africa had been closed by Britain and France. And so the Kaiser inevitably cast his eyes toward the fertile crescent and the Middle East as potential spheres of influence—areas rich in markets, oil, and raw materials.
By the turn of the century, the destinies of both countries were inextricably linked. In 1898, Kaiser Wilhelm II vowed Germany’s eternal friendship for the Muslim world as he stood with Turkish leaders before the tomb of Saladin the Great in Damascus.
lust for expansion.
Meanwhile, at the supreme moment when Kaiser Germany and Muslim Turkey lay prostrate in defeat awaiting their punishment, Britain, France, and Russia proceeded to carve up for themselves the remnants of the vast Ottoman Empire with its rich Arab hinterland, according to the terms of the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement negotiated between them as early as 1915 while the Great War was still in progress. As soon as this proposed plan for dividing up the Arab world was publicized, any trust which the lands of Islam may have placed in the Allied powers was forever dispelled.
In vain did the delegation of Egyptian nationalist leaders strive to voice their grievances at the Versailles Conference of 1919, demanding that their cause be heard and that justice be rendered to Egyptian national aspirations for independence, in accordance with President Wilson’s Fourteen Point Program. They were rebuffed, along with all the other Muslim leaders who had arrived in Paris to
plead their respective cases. A British protectorate over the land of the Pharaohs was included in the peace treaty, and the Egyptians were informed, in no uncertain terms, that the matter was officially closed.
The repercussions throughout Egypt and Islam were instantaneous, with much help from German agitation. This was regarded, in the eyes of every Muslim, as a most sinister act of betrayal. The significance of this stab-in-the-back by the victorious European powers was clearly enunciated in a formal warning of vengeance by the Egyptian leaders in Paris in the Egyptian White Book of 1919. It is a grim reminder that Islam never forgets:
This crime against our nation, a breach of good faith on the part of the powers who have declared that they are forming in the same Treaty a Society of Nations, will not be consummated without a solemn warning that the people of Egypt consider the decision taken at Paris null and void. If our voice is not heard, it will be only because the blood already shed has not been enough to overthrow the old world-order and give birth to a new one.”
awakening Orient.If the Versailles Treaty had spelled calamity for Egypt and the Arab world, its effect upon Germany was quite different. The far-flung territories of the Turkish Empire had been reshuffled and refashioned to form new states and spheres of influence, but a defeated Germany had been left
more or less geographically intact. As later events were to prove, the so-called harshness of this treaty was shrewdly exaggerated by German statesmen and politicians during the Weimar era of 1919-1932, in order to speedily resurrect their nation by appealing to the sympathy of the Western powers.
Germany continued to be the “Savior of Islam.”
The mission of finally uniting the cradle of Islam with the glory of the Third Reich fell to Rommel’s “Afrika Korps.”
In every country they controlled, the British swiftly rounded up all the pro-Axis political trouble-makers and exiled them, including Haj Amin al-Husseini, the ex-Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, and Rachid Ali Gailani, who had organized the unsuccessful Iraqi coup d’etat in 1941.
In Egypt, events took a similar course. The Egyptian Premier, Aly Maher Pasha, who had been entrusted with British defense plans for the country, was quick to deliver them to an Italian intelligence officer.
German Aly Maher with Mustapha Nahas, the leader of the Wafd. At least, the possibility of Egyptian interference had now been lessened, and the British could devote their full attention to Rommel’s advancing “Afrika Korps.”
otage Britain’s already precarious position.
Commander Hassan Ibrahim, and Lieutenant Colonel Anwar al-Sadat, two of the most important members of Nasser’s military junta who later ruled Egypt. The third participant was General Aziz al-Masri, who later became the regime’s first ambassador to Moscow.
Anwar al-Sadat was intercepted as he attempted to carry out his part of the plan. This experience, however, has never been forgotten.
“In 1942, the Germans were at Alamein. We decided to send
them an officer to offer them our assistance in the form of in-
formation on the British forces. … I was then the Comman-
dant of the Director of Civil Aviation of Cairo, which allowed
me to give my private plane to our emissary. We decided that
our communications with the Germans would take the form of
secret missions effected by a transmission officer, Anwar al-Sadat.”Rommel’s objective had been the Suez Canal and the oil-rich Middle East. At the Battle of El Alamein, scarcely seventy miles from Alexandria, General Montgomery had obliterated that aspiration, as everyone believed, forever.
But had El Alamein actually been the decisive blow to the constant, almost mystical German longing for union with the lands of Islam?
As if the eighteen years had never been, by 1960 the invincible German Drang nach Osten, in the full vigor of its post-war renaissance, once again flourished in the Valley of the Nile and the lands of the fertile crescent. Perhaps the almost forgotten rows of orderly white crosses in the British and Commonwealth Cemetery at El Alamein, surrounded by the scorched and swirling sands of the Western desert, are but a mirage. Could that glorious battle have been a pyrrhic victory, a temporary armistice, while Germany patiently waited to undermine Britain’s declining influence and power?
but they also hid one of the most cleverly guarded secrets of the 1950s Cairo government.
ex-Gestapo Storm Troopers. Most of them were former Rommel veterans busy clandestinely training thousands of Egyptian recruits for future combat.
By 1960, among the endless sand dunes flanking the Nile Valley, the Egyptian Army trained for its special missions, endeavoring to master the tactics of desert warfare from the experienced brains of Rommel’s renowned “Afrika Korps.” The living remnant of his wartime staff and panzer divisions had been painstakingly gathered in order to transform the Egyptian Army into a crack, superior fighting force. Eighteen eventful years had passed, and the memory of Rommel’s exploits still
haunted the silent battlefields of the Western desert and the minds of Cairo’s military leaders.
a brilliant tactician, and the implementation of his ideas on desert warfare, remained the basis of U.A.R. Army curriculum.This pro-German cult in Egypt, reaching to the point of hero-worship, increased steadily through the years and erupted in full tide when the military dictatorship seized power in July, 1952.
Before his imprisonment in 1954, General Naguib himself had enunciated the official attitude of the regime toward the Germans:
“They are the only ones in whom we have confidence.”
During the course of an interview, he had further elaborated:
“I want you to believe me when I say that I have not changed
the great admiration I have for the Germans. Their efficiency,
their extraordinary gifts as scientists and technicians, and their
loyalty are quite unique. I have been noticing all these qualities
in recent times, watching the work of the German officers and
experts in my Army.”
“Hitler is the man of my life. The German dictator had been
an ideal leader, who dedicated his life to the realization of his
noble ambition. He never lived for himself, but for Germany and
the German people. I have always wished to live like him.”
In November of 1953, in reply to a questionnaire issued by Al-Mussawar, a prominent Egyptian weekly, regarding his appraisal of Hitler’s activities eight years after the latter’s death, and what advice he would offer the Fuhrer should he return, Colonel al-Sadat asserted:
been defeated, but in fact one should regard you as the real
victor. There will be no peace in the world until Germany again
takes first place.
Your principal mistake was in opening too many fronts, but
everything has been forgiven, for you are a shining example of
belief in one’s fatherland and people. You are eternal, and we
shall not be surprised if we see you again, or a second Hitler,
back in Germany.”
Skorzeny first achieved prominence as the liberator of Mussolini through the most audacious exploits. His achievements thereafter reached such fantastic heights that he became a legendary figure.By 1960 Skorzeny, with the unlimited support and encouragement of the Egyptian military regime, worked inconspicuously under the facade of a respectable import-export firm in Cairo. But his products were of a very special kind. He did not trouble himself with the ordinary trifles of Parisian perfumes or full-fashioned nylon stockings.
For the exclusive use of the U.A.R. Army, he imported any brand of unemployed ex-Wehrmacht soldiers, offering them infinite scope for their professional skills.
Qualifications for these positions were simple but unique: a strong faith in the Nazi ideology; a passionate prejudice against anything American, British, French, or Israeli; and an unequivocal acceptance of Gamal Abdel Nasser as the new Egyptian Fuhrer and aspiring Fuhrer of the entire Muslim world. Military prowess, of course, was a primary requirement.
Always available to stir up trouble for the West, Skorzeny personally arranged with General Franco for the sale of $3,500,000 worth of military equipment including shells, mortars, and machine guns to Egypt. This secret transaction was effected through an intermediary company in Switzerland, and the arms were particularly adaptable for hit-and-run attacks.
Yet this was only part of the work of his global network to insure the continuous shipment of armaments to Egypt and the Arab countries.
From the main European headquarters of the Muslim Brotherhood in Frankfurt-am-Main and its branch in Bremen, special recruitment centers had been organized in Hamburg, Munich, and Hanover to guarantee a steady flow of military technicians to the United Arab Republic.
In Leipzig, East Germany, a special employment unit for the same purpose was established with the full knowledge of Moscow.
Colonel Nasser himself was the supreme authority over all Commando units and the Arab Foreign Legion while Skorzeny was responsible for the human consignments of German military experts, armament technicians, and espionage agents in quest of adventure, self-expression, and a greater Germany.
ex-Wehrmacht Colonels Rainer Kriebel and Heinz Heigel.
the Egyptian Parachute Corps.
Also within the Cairo administrative hierarchy was an Advisor on Special Activities, Joachim Daemling, former Chief of the Gestapo in Dusseldorf. He was responsible for the efficient organization of the Egyptian Secret Police and especially for the establishment of concentration camps at El-Kanater and Abu-Sabal, near Cairo; at Maharik in Upper Egypt; at Qena, in the vicinity of the Ptolemaic Temple of Denderah; at El-Kharga, deep in the Western desert; and at Samara, about 135 miles southwest of Alexandria, which had been patterned on photocopies of the infamous German extermination camp of Dachau.
Colonel Hassan Suleiman, who in reality was the Sudeten German SS Gruppenfuhrer Moser, together with his assistant, SS Gruppenfuhrer Buble, known as Lieutenant Colonel Amman, ws in charge of training Egyptian youth along the lines of the Hitler Jugend.
At first, neither Britain nor America saw any cause for alarm over the activities of these “German specialists.”
Nevertheless, on May 11, 1953, Sir Winston Churchill brought up the subject in the House of Commons and stated that the Egyptian Army “was being aided and trained by Nazi instructors and staff officers in unusual numbers.”
He subsequently discussed the matter with German Chancellor Adenauer, who disclaimed any responsibility and merely promised to institute an investigation.
As the 1960s got under way, Germany and Egypt continued to abound with renewed industrial activity. In many ways, Egypt resembled a German military outpost, as more and more technicians, salesmen, experts, material, and unlimited capital poured into the Valley of the Nile.
Plans were advanced for the construction of armament factories in Egypt and the Sudan as joint enterprises of the Nasser regime and the Ruhr industrial giant, Alfred Krupp, with the full encouragement of the Bonn Government.
to Germany. Its aim was to seize power after the forthcoming
election, which was supposed to be the last consultation of a free
Regardless of time, circumstance, and changing methods, the extreme right and left continue to work together. One is somehow reminded of Hitler’s classic remark to Hermann Rauschning:
“There is no essential difference between the ideals of National Socialism and those of Marxism.”
In the May 29, 1953 issue of the neo-Nazi journal, Deutschland-Brief, von Leers violently attacks the Protestant Confessional Church for its opposition to Hitler, and praises the natural affinities between the German and Arab peoples. Advancing the theory that this factor enabled Islam to carry on a successful campaign of conversion in Germany, he predicts that the Germans will eventually turn their backs on Christianity and embrace Islam.
“This,” he writes, “is no doubt due to the moving humanitarian reception which hundreds, perhaps thousands of German refugees, found after the war among the Muslims of the Middle East. Islam’s simple all-God doctrine which is not tied to Judaism, and its enmity against the Jews, won the allegiance of many of these refugees. The repercussions are gradually being felt in Germany.”
Through his office, the contract for the construction of the largest and most powerful radio transmitter in the 1950s Middle East, designed to accelerate Nasser’s propaganda campaign
and extend the Afro-Asian range of Radio Cairo, was awarded to a German firm in Mannheim.
organizations grouped for the same over-all purpose. Among them were the German-Arab Society, directed by former Nazi party member Horst Morgenbrod; the Near and Middle East Association with its Nazi adherents in Hamburg and headed by Dr. Ernst Messerschmidt; the German-Arab Association in Bonn; the German-Arab League in Heidelberg; the German Regional Eur-African Center in Bad Godesberg; Dr. Fakoussa’s German-Arab Institute in Bonn; the German-Egyptian Society, in Frankfurt, directed by Frau Ursula Beyrich; the Association of Overseas Interests, in Winsdorf; the Society of the Friends of Africa, in Berlin; and the North African Club, of Hamburg and Berlin, whose chief was Hans Peter Rullmann.
These collaborations which Germany fostered behind her superficial mask of peace and democracy, were not an innovation but a permanent characteristic of Real-politik. Regardless of passing events, these attributes are changeless. Yet into this witches’ brew of interlocking intrigues, emanating from Cairo and Bonn, other seething ingredients were added, bringing the mixture to the verge of a dangerous overflow.
In the Pankow Parliament, Deputy Speaker Homann and forty-seven members were all active in the National Socialist Party. The judiciary in Soviet Germany was infiltrated with former Nazis. The President of the Supreme Court, Kurt Schumann, was a leading jurist of Nazi law. Supreme Court Justice Hetzar was also a prominent Nazi. The official lawyer of the Socialist Unity Party Professor Herbert Kroeger, was an SS Fuhrer. Kurt Blecha, who joined the Nazi party in 1941, was a propaganda specialist working for Herr Ulbricht, together with Horst Andress, who was a personal friend of Goebbels and formerly directed Nazi programs over the German Radio.
Both Brockdorff-Rantzau and Dr. Helphand, with the full (though clandestine) support of the German Government, methodically began to organize an extensive network of political conspiracy dedicated to one objective: a Communist revolution in Russia.
“The organization set up by Dr. Parvus in Copenhagen at pres-
ent employs eight people in Copenhagen and about ten people
traveling about inside Russia. The object of the work is to con-
tact various personalities in Russia, since it is essential to co-
ordinate the various movements now emerging. . . . Dr. Parvus
has provided the organization with a sum to cover running ex-
penses. . . .
Hitherto, the whole thing has been so discreetly managed that
not even the gentlemen working in the organization realize that
our (German) government is behind it all.”
can do little as he lacks funds; Dr. Parvus can support him only
when the existing tension has settled.”
“In victory, and in reward, world supremacy are ours, if Russia
can be revolutionized in time and the coalition thereby broken
up. Dr. Parvus thinks that he can point the way, and makes
positive suggestions, backed by twenty years of experience.”
“Received from the German Embassy in Copenhagen on the
29th of December, 1915, the sum of one million rubles in Rus-
sian banknotes for the promotion of the revolutionary movement
Dr. A. Helphand”
The archives of the German Foreign Office further reveal that on December 3, 1917, Richard von Kuhlmann, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, had addressed a long telegram to the Kaiser at his Army headquarters. Outlining in broad detail the background of the remarkable aid and encouragement rendered the Communist Revolution by the German Government, it also emphasized the objectives of future German foreign policy that would insure its lasting success:
political combinations agreeable to us constitute the most im-
portant war aim of our diplomacy. Russia appeared to be the
weakest link in the enemy’s chain. The task therefore was grad-
ually to loosen it and, when possible, to remove it. This was the
purpose of the subversive activity we caused to be carried out in
Russia behind the front—in the first place the promotion of
separatist tendencies and support of the Bolsheviks.”
“It was not until the Bolsheviks had received from us a steady
flow of funds through various channels and under varying labels
that they were in a position to be able to build up their main
ciably to extend the originally narrow basis of their party.
The Bolsheviks have now come to power; how long they will
retain power cannot yet be foreseen. They need peace in order
to strengthen their own position; on the other hand, it is en-
tirely in our interest that we should exploit the period while
they are in power, which may be a short one, in order to obtain
firstly an armistice and then, if possible, peace.”
had been contained in Europe by the barrier of inter-
mediary states from Finland to Rumania. Hitler destroyed
this barrier and brought Stalin’s rule into Central Europe,
first by his accord with Stalin in 1939 and then by his at-
tack upon Stalin in 1941.”
“It is one of the most disturbing factors in present-day
Germany when some Germans reproach the Western pow-
ers for not having sided with Germany against Russia, and
even add that it should have been done in defense of West-
ern civilization. The Germans, and not the West, destroyed
Poland and paved Stalin’s road westward. The Germans
were then as much opposed to the West and Western civil-
ization as the Russians were. Through German fault, the
whole of continental Europe, with the exception of the two
small enclaves of Sweden and Switzerland, was early in 1941
under the control of totalitarian powers, hostile to the in-
dividual liberalism, the freedom of thought, and the spirit
of tolerance of the West. . . .”
the Russians in the headlines. The Germans do not appear to be disturbed by the present Soviet drive in Egypt which they helped to precipitate. It all works toward the deterioration of the Western position in Egypt and secures that country as an operational base for the Germans.”
the regions of Africa and the Middle East. Behind this interest is solid German Realpolitik.”
reasonable legislative safeguards. Business is conducted for its own rewards, thereby contributing to the national prosperity at large. And the personal satisfaction which is derived from the creation and completion of a project, along with advancing oneself in life, is considered an ideal end in itself.
The German economic drive in Egypt and the Arab world is nothing short of phenomenal.
In his speech before the Cairo Economic Society, Ludwig Erhard, Germany’s economic czar at that time, proudly stated that Egypt was entitled to international aid after having “suffered from imperialists and colonialists.”
Cornerstones have already been laid to transform the Nile Valley into the “Ruhr of the Middle East.” The firm of Krupp Stahlbau Rheinhausen, manufacturers of heavy industrial equipment, developed the iron ore resources of the Aswan region. The German firm of Hoch-Tief AG completed the Aswan Hydro-Electric Power Station.
electrification of the entire Nile Delta area in 1963.
abroad, sixty-three per cent of which were studying in Germany.
This sudden, rapid influx of German power and competition into the Nile Valley and the Middle East alarmed many Western observers of the time, who were greatly disturbed by the natural ease with which Germany forged ahead in an area riven with factional rivalries and violent anti-Western hatreds.
This same basic need for an all-powerful ruler also persists among the Islamic extremists working for a Caliphate.
The attacks on 9/11 – planned in Germany, executed mostly by Islamic extremists, was a symbol and outcome of the trust and continued cooperation between Germany and pan-Islamism.
This trust and understanding between Islam and Germany, is part of the reason Yugoslavia was broken up in cahoots with radical Islam, shortly after Germany gained reunification itself. Destroying the final remnants of post-war treaties and geographical borders.